
^LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. i' 

"# ———____ # 

I UNITED STATES OP AMERICA.! 



i 




GEN. SULLIVAN. 



MEMOIRS 

OF 

S A M U J^ L ^S M 1 T H , 

A 

S () I. D I E R OF THE REVOLUTION 
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 

WITH 

A i i; F F A r K A N I) N (! "■ ' ^ 



BY 

CHARLES I. BUSHNELL. 

1' 




NEW-YORK : 
J > 1 n V A T 1-: 1. Y 1' K 1 N 'i' ! > I » 
1860. 




15 



SC8 



Entered, aceonling to Act of Congi-ees, in the year 18G0, by 

CHAKLES I. BUSIINELL, 

In t)io Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the 
Southern District of New York 



i 



PREFACE. 



The following work was originally published in 
Middleborough, Mass., in the year 1853, and the very 
small edition that was printed was chiefly circulated by 
the Author among such inhabitants of that town as had 
befriended him, or of whom he solicited alms. 

Though but the memoirs of a private soldier, and of 
unpretending character, yet it is one of several similar 
ones extant, showing the trials undergone and the 
privations and sufferings endured by our ancestors in 
their noble contest for freedom. 

Samuel Smith, the author of the Memoirs, was for 
several years in the habit of annually visiting the city 
of New Bedford, and participating in the municipal cele- 
brations on the Fourth of July. At the visit he made 
preceding his death, his mind was still unimpaired, and 
he was in the full possession of his physical strength. 
He died in the town of Middleborough, on Friday, July 
Tth, 1854, in the 95th year of his age. 



ISTROBUGTIOF. 



I HAVE contemplated for several years, placing before 

the American people, a few pages detailing some of the 

many incidents of my early life, my birth, parentage, 

and entrance into the army of the American Revolution, 

in 17T6, &c., &c. Hoping that a recital of those labors, 

hardships, sufferings and trials may be kindly received 

by my fellow-countrymen, with a hearty response to the 

demand which T make upon them, namely : a perusal of 

these few pages, and the payment solicited for the same. 

Samuel Smith. 
Middkharo\ Mass., May, 1853. 




MEMOIES. 



WAS born in Smithfield,* in Rhode Island, on the 
loth of June, A.D. 1759, of humble, creditable 
parents. My early education was exceedingly 
limited, never having attended school but two 
winters, and in that time barely learned to read 
some easy lessons without spelling, and to write the 
letters of the alphabet with a copy. 

When eight years old, I was afflicted with a fever 
sore, which entirely disabled me for a year, and pre- 
vented my ever having full use of my right arm. 

My mother died when I was about thirteen years old, 
and I was taken into the family of a friendly man, with 
whom I remained one year, receiving as a compensation 
for my work, necessary clothing and board. At the 
expiration of that time, I went to live with a bachelor, 
agreeing to stay three years, as at the former place, 

* A town in Providence Co., on the Pawtucliet River, six miles from 
Providence. 



8 MEMOIRS. 

namely, for victuals and clothes. After being with him 
one and a half years, I was, like many foolish boys, 
enticed away by a stranger, and told by him that he 
would do better by me than the person with whom I 
then i-esided — that he wished me to drive team, &c. In 
consequence of this flattery and deception, I ran away 
from the bachelor, and joined my new acquaintance. 

In three weeks, however, I returned, and begged the 
privilege of staying, which was granted. 

At the expiration of three years, I hired myself again 
to him one year, for necessary clothing and twelve dol- 
lars. The next year I was paid fifteen dollars and 
clothes ; then my master relinquished house-keeping, 
and I was again destitute of a home. My parents being 
both dead, I was in a lonely condition, but was kindly 
cared for, and during a long illness which now prostra- 
ted me, carefully watched over by a widow, who was, 
indeed, to me like a " guardian angel." She also read and 
explained to me many passages of Scripture, which I 
did not before understand, and could not read for myself. 

Soon after I regained my strength, there was a call 
for soldiers to go to Bristol, and many were drafted to 
go there. I was hired for one month to take a soldier's 
place. When that time expired, I enlisted for three 
months, and when that time was served, I again enlisted 



MEMOIRS. y 

in the Continental Army, but was never mustered as a 
soldier, on account of my right arm being shorter than 
my left. 

About this time a small party of recruits were detach- 
ed from the forces at Bristol, to join the main army. I 
was one of the number. We joined the main army in 
the Highlands, on the east side of Hudson Eiver, oppo- 
site Stony Point* 

Soon after we joined the main army. Major Andre (1) 
was brought into camp, and continued in the regiment till 
he was hung.f From the Highlands we marched to 
" Red Bank,"(2) where we had a severe battle with the 
Hessians. 

In this engagement they attempted several times to 
storm our fort, there being seven times as many Hes- 
sians as our number. Tliey were, however, compelled 
to retreat. In this engagement we had one captain, 
one fife major, and five privates "killed. Two of the pri- 
vates were shot down, one on my right and the other 
on my left hand. 

* A promontory on the west side of the Hudson River, nenr the entrance 
of the Highlands, fiimous for the strength of its fortifications, which were 
successfully stormed by Gen. Wayne on thel5th day of JUI3', 1779. 

f The reader will perceive that the author i.s guilty of several anachron- 
isms in the course of his narrative. 

For noted indicated by figures tlins (1), see Appendix. 



10 NEMOIRS. 

The night following the battle we were all on duty, 
either in scouting parties or on trails. It fell to my lot 
to go with a party on trail, and in going about half gun 
shot from the fort we found Count Dunop(3) wounded and 
concealed behind a pine, attended by his two waiters. 
We took him and carried him into the fort. He lived 
but a short time and died of his wounds, having been 
shot through the knees with small grape-shot. The 
next day the whole regiment was employed, except 
those on guard and on scouting parties, in digging a 
trench and burying the dead. Here we buried between 
four and five hundred ; so many Hessians having fallen 
in the engagement. 

Having buried the dead, we hung three spies — one 
white man and two negroes. The white man confessed 
that he had taken pay of the British, (a tankard full of 
guineas,) for conducting Hessians to Red Bank. 

Soon after this action the British shipping came up 
opposite a mud fort which we had built, and another 
action commenced. We succeeded, soon alter the action 
commenced, in firing a red hot shot into one of their 
ships, the Roebuck, a ship of seventy-four guns, which 
connecting with her magazine, blew her up. 

Sometime in November, 17T6, we were obliged to 
leave Red Bank on account of the cold, and we marched 



MEMOIRS. 11 

to Valley Forge, and again joined the main army — be- 
ing at this time nearly destitute of clothing, except 
what we secured in the Hessian fight. We stopped, 
however, sometime in the mountains, till we could pro- 
cure provisions. We there visited a hermit, who was 
one of the oldest settlers, having lived forty miles in the 
wild wilderness for fifty years. As the regiment was 
passing the cabin of the hermit, the column halted, and 
there was liberty given for all to visit it. It was a nice 
cabin, furnished with furs and skins. A. nice smooth 
bench set outside the door. About two rods from this 
cabin, to the right hand as we came out, stood a very 
large tree, with smooth bark, resembling poplar. On 
this tree was nicely pictured a warrior's face. There 
were days while we were on our march to Valley Forge, 
for winter quarters, that we were entirely destitute of 
food, sometimes two days at a time. On our march we 
came to a valley, which abounded with black walnuts 
and butternuts, where we tarried two days. We then 
continued our march till we came to the Schuylkill 
River. There we laid down to rest on our arms, with 
nothing but the broad canopy of heaven to cover us. 
Tliat night the snow fell about half a foot deep. Some 
had blankets and slept upon the frozen ground and cov- 
ered themselves with them, while others had none, and 



12 MEMOIRS, 

slept entirely unprotected from the weather. We staid 
at this place two days. The second day, in the morning, 
we discovered near the camp a large flock of goats, 
which were taken, butchered and devoured to satisfy 
hunger. After two days we unloaded the baggage 
wagons, and hauled them into the river to make a bridge 
on which the regiment crossed. On the next march we 
suffered extremely, our feet being wet, and being 
compelled to travel on the wet, frozen ground, ice 
and snow. Those who had blankets cut off the corners 
and wound them round their feet. Others who had 
none, secured rags and the like, or anything of the kind 
which had been thrown from the houses on the road 
on which we marched, and blood from our feet might 
be traced on the ground. We iinally reached Valley 
Forge, our winter head-quarters, the forepart of January, 
11 TT. Here I built a hut, and soon after finishing it, 
was taken sick, and was blind for about ten days. We 
remained at Valley Forge till sometime in June, Then 
we went out of our winter quarters into the fields with 
our tents, and marched from post to post till we met the 
British at Springfield, (4)Penn., where we had a smart en- 
gagement, lasting for nearly two hours.* There be 
ing of us but a small brigade to contend against the 

*,The Battle of Springfield took place on the 23d day of June, 1780. 



MEMOIRS. 13 

whole British army, we were obliged for a time, in this 
action to retreat, and a company was detached from our 
brigade, in a flanking party, and attacked the British 
right flank opposite General Arnold's, the traitor. 

We contended in this engagement nearly an hour, un- 
til in fact the British had nearly surrendered to us, when 
we were obliged to retreat a short distance on a height 
of ground and took shelter, first in an orchard and from 
thence we retreated to an oak grove. Here we had the 
advantage of them. Our captain now ordered every 
man to shelter himself b^' standing behind a tree. In 
this engagement there was not a man on the American 
side killed or wounded except one captain, who received 
a shot through the left arm ; a flesh wound. 

The next day after the battle, we were employed in 
burying the dead in the burying ground, and conveying 
the wounded to the hospital. I was selected with others 
to go to the hospital and attend the wounded. Much of 
my time while there was employed in attending and 
waiting on the doctor, having the care of his box of in- 
struments. While there I saw a great many legs and 
arms cut off. I was continued in this occupation at the 
hospital, \intil the spring of 1778, when I joined my 
regiment again. 

While I was at the hospital I was under the com- 



r 



'ii'S^ 



14 MEMOIRS. 

mand of the doctor, and I waited on him Until he left 
the armjj which wag in the fall of the year 1178. The 
name of the doctor was Elias Cornelius. (5.) 

I believe him to have been a Christian, as he regularly 
attended meetings on Sundays, He was a Baptist by 
profession, When he went to church he always took 
me with him, as he wished rae well. He also instructed 
me in the ways of righteousness. When he left the 
army I lost the company of my best friend, He return' 
ed from Springfield to his home in the city of New York. 
After the British took possession of New York, he was 
obliged to leave the city, he being a true Republican. 
His father and relatives were Tories, The last know* 
ledge I had of him, he resided at Robinson Mills, in the 
State of New York, and the last time I saw him he was 
on a visit to Providence, two years after he left the 
army, when we took a final leave of each other. He 
entreated me to persevere in serving the Lord, that we 
might meet in a better world. 

Nothing material occurred until the next June, when 
the battle of Monmouth (6) was fought. The day on 
which this battle was fought, was the hottest, I think, 
that I ever experienced. In fact, the heat was so ex- 
cessive that I could not tell by which the most died, 
whether by the heat or the balls. 



# 



In two days after this hot battle, the brigade was or* 
dered to march to Rhode Island. (t.) We arrived on the 
island just previous to the tremendous hurricane and 
rain storm. We had not pitched our tents. I found, 
however, a large hogshead, knocked in at one end, and 
got into it for shelter. Soon after the storm, an action 
took place; In this action the Americans were obliged 
to retreat. It so happened that it brought the Rhod^ 
Island brigade in the rear. Boats Were employed all 
night in carrying off baggage and troops^ ~ About sun- 
rise it came our turn to fight, and We descended upon a 
party of British at the fort on Butts llill. the British 
scaled the Walls on one side, While the Americans en* 
tered the gate. 

We drove the British completely from the fort, dis-' 
mounted and spiked their cannon, and then hastened to 
the boats Which Were Waiting tor Us, and retreated from 
the Island. 

Soon after, the drafted men Were discharged^ and we! 
Inarched to Warren* for Winter headquarters. The sol-^ 
diers called for pay, They had had promises of pay for 
one month in the new emission money. The money was 
detained by our offlcers, and We marched to Providence 

*A town id Bristol Co., K. I., at the mottth of Palmer's River, «Ievefl 
ffiilea from Proridoncer 



16 MEMOIRS. 

to see the General and get redress, which he promised 
we should have, and told our commander whenever we 
Wanted redress, to write him, and he would endeavor 
that we should have it, so we all again submitted, and 
resigned ourselves to the oi'ders of our old ofiScers. 

In the course of the winter of 17 78, many of the regi- 
ment to which I belonged were taken to go on ship 
board, to run down the river to attack and take the 
British shipping which lay there. The ship that I went 
on board of had two cannons Our orders were to run 
along side of the British shipping, board, and take them, 

I believe it was a happy incident to us that our cap* 
tain run the ship aground on Pawtucket Flats, for thus 
ended this expedition. We then returned to our bar* 
racks at Warren, where we remained until the spring 
of the year 1779, when wo were marched to Boston 
Neck, 

Our payment for services being unnecessarily detain- 
ed, we all agreed to have a letter formed, setting forth 
our grievances, and sent to our General.(8), The letter 
was made and handed to the Colonel to forward to the 
General. The Colonel refused to have the letter sent, 
and took the bearer of it and sent him in irons to jail. 
He then had him tried by a Court Martial, and sentenced 
to be hung in five days. Three days after the sentence, 



MEMOIRS. It 

all attended as usual at the calling of the roll. After 
the roll was called we were dismissed for the day. 
When the officers had retired, we agreed upon our plan 
to liberate the prisoner. Every soldier fixed his bayonet 
on his gun for the purpose of rescuing the brother sol- 
dier who was condemned to be hung. The drums beat 
the long roll as a signal. Every soldier was on 
parade, with his gun loaded and his bayonet affixed. 
We were determined to rescue the prisoner, who was 
innocent of any crime on behalf of his fellow soldiers. 
We were determined to a man to lose our lives or res- 
cue our brother. 

There were but two officers in the regiment who would 
allow soldiers to converse with our head commander, for 
the purpose of settling questions in dispute. On we 
marched, agreed that fifteen only should be allowed to 
settle the affair. Meeting General Sullivan, he ordered 
us to halt, but we mai'ched steadily on. Our old Major, 
whom we always and at all times authorized to speak 
to our Commander to settle questions and restore peace, 
rode in front of our ranks and wished us to halt, as Gen. 
Sullivan came to settle the disorder and to restore peace. 
We agreed to halt on condition that the officers should 
get in front, under the muzzles of our guns. These con- 
ditions were quickly complied with. The first request 



18 Memoirs. 

of the General was for us to lay down our arms. Me 
said he could not converse with soldiers under arms, 
We positively refused to accede to his request, and we 
all stood with our guns to our shoulders, loaded and 
bayonets affixed. 

The above took place in the road on a low piece of 
land. A small island was opposite the place where we 
halted. The General wanted us to march on the island. 
We complied with his request. When we had marched 
on the island, he wanted we should stack our arms. 
Our leader told the General that our arms would remain 
in each ttian's hands Until the treaty which we demand- 
ed was agreed upon. The General said he could not 
agree with soldiers upon anything while they were un- 
der arms. Then our leader told him he should march 
for the condemned man. The General told him that he 
had one black regiment in the fort, which we had to 
pass, who would cut us to pieces. The answer from 
our leader was : " We do not fear you, with all your 
black boys ! The prisoner We will have, at the risk of 
our lives !" 

The General then agreed that if we would march back, 
under order to our former officers, he would send the 
prisoner to the camp. This our leader refused to do, 
telling the General that he had marched his men there 



MEMOIRS. 1 9 

on conditions, and that he would march them back again 
if he would immediately deliver up the prisoner, and 
pledge his honor that there should be no one confined or 
tried in Court Martial for the same ofi'ence. It was ap- 
parently hard for the General to agree to it, but at last 
he complied with the terms and sent an officer for the 
prisoner, who was soon brought and delivered to us. 
We then marched to our old encampment with our com- 
rade in the centre, and colors flying in his hands, and 
resigned ourselves to our old officers. 

We remained in our encampment until the British 
evacuated Ehode Island, when we took possession of 
it.* We remained here until we had orders to march 
southward. 

The first march we made wa.s to Hartford, Conn,, 
where we staid but a day or two, when we marched to 
Philadelphia, Penn,, where we encamped a week or 
more, waiting for further orders and for the baggage to 
come up. We then marched to the head of Elk lliver, 
and took boats and went down the river to Little York. 
Then came on a squall, and being in flat bottom boats, 
all landed on an island nearly opposite Little York, in 
the centre of the British forces. Tlie enemy might have 
taken with ease the whole of the American troops which 

* The British evacuated Rhode Island on the 25th of October, 1779. 



20 MEMOIRS. 

were there quartered, and all our bag-g-age, had they 
dared to have attacked us. One British boat landed 
about a mile from our encampment, and sent out spies 
who fled before we could come up with them. It being 
a pleasant day we took to our boats and sailed by them. 

The next march we made was to Yorktown, where we 
encamped within half cannon shot of the British, and 
commenced a fortification by digging a trench, or rather 
by each man digging a hole deep enough to drop into. 
When this was accomplished, we stationed a man to 
watch the enemy's guns, at which every man dropped 
into his hole. But we soon left this ground, and in the 
night stormed two of their fortifications, and dug a 
trench all round the British encampment, completely 
yarding tliem in. 

Two nights after the storming of the fortifications, 
the British undertook to retake them, and mustering out 
a small party calling themselves Americans, came up 
in the rear of us. They entered the fort with but little 
difficult}', as there were but few of us in it, and very 
quickly those who were not instantly killed or taken, 
were driven out of it. 

Four days from that time Lord Cornwallis surrender- 
ed,(9) and in three days from the time Cornwallis surren- 
dered, the British marched out on the plains, and stacked 



MEMOIRS. 



21 



their arms and resigned and surrendered themselves 
prisoners of war, and each marched into town again. 
The Americans followed them. In three weeks from 
the time the British surrendered, we took their shipping. 

Forty of the prisoners we took from their ships had a 
disorder with which our doctor was not acquainted. Its 
appearance was sudden. Some would fall down on the 
deck and froth like a mad dog ; others would begin to 
draw their heads down till their heels and head would 
touch together. An American of my acquaintance, who, 
to my certain knowledge, had been exposed repeatedly 
to the small pox for six years, caught it on board the 
British shipping and died. 

From York Town we marched to Saratoga, a long and 
tedious march, where we made our headquarters- until 
the spring of 1783, 

In the winter, after the lakes had frozen up, we 
went to storm a fort on the frontier. Our army was 
conveyed in stages. In crossing Niagara River on the 
ice, just above the Falls, one stage containing six men 
and the driver, slipped sideways into the river, and was 
carried over the Falls and lost. 

We passed over across the Lake to a piece of swampy 
land, where the stages left us and returned home. We 
staid here two nights and a part of two days, when we 



22 MEMOIRS, 

learned by our spies, that the British had reenforced 
their fort with double the number of men they had be- 
fore, and it becoming more than five degrees colder 
than when we started from Saratoga to cross the Lakes 
— a number of men having frozen to death, and a great 
part of the regiment being more or less frozen — but little 
regard was paid to the command of the officers, as every 
man did the best he could to protect himself from the 
cold. Sleighs were procured and furnished by the in- 
habitants, to carry the ti'oops back to Saratoga. We 
remained at Saratoga until the latter part of the month 
of May, 1783, when the greater part of the regiment was 
disbanded by companies. Some of the companies were 
marched to Providence before their discharge was given 
them. 

I was selected to drive the Colonel's baggage to 
Providence, under command of a lieutenant and a small 
guard, and then discharged without money or clothes. 

I went to a place to board, but having no money to 
pay, the person with whom I boarded set me to driving 
trucks. The business he was in was small, and he en- 
tered into company with Samuel Bagley. T was finally 
hired to drive a baggage wagon from Providence to 
Boston. They agreed to give me one-third of the profits 
for driving, T to find myself. Bagley was agent, and 



MEMOIRS. 23 

about six months after I commenced driving, he sold 
what little property he had and ran away with the 
money. In consequence of this, I lost the whole of my 
earnings. 

I then shipped on board a brig, which was bound to 
the coast of Brazil, on a whaling voj'age. We were 
gone nine months and seventeen days. We killed only 
five whales, which made sixty barrels each, (300). I 
lost my time, and was in debt for fitting out. 

In four days after my arrival home, I shipped for the 
West Indies, in a brig commanded by Capt. Setli 
Wheaton. Here I began a wickedness beyond every 
thing I had done before. In those days sailors were 
addicted to drinking and swearing. I contracted the 
habit of swearing, but not that of drinking, and did not 
follow all the sailors' practices, being careful of the 
company I kept. 

The voyage was long and tedious, as the captain 
chartered his brig to a merchant in New York to go to 
Turks Island (10) and load with salt. After we had 
arrived at Mooner Passage,(ll) we attempted to go 
through a narrow place, and the wind being ahead we 
had a very narrow escape. 

After we got to sea, we were very scant of provisions, 
calculating to obtain supplies at Turks Island. Being 



24 MEMOIRS. 

eighteen days from Curago,* we were nearly destitute 
of bread and water, and four days previous to arriving 
at Turks Island, were obliged to come on an allowance 
of half a pint of water and half a biscuit a day. We 
were, however, at this point, nearly in sight of Port au 
Prince,(12) but did not dare to go on shore with our 
boats. When we came so nigh to land that we could 
go on shore and return in five hours, our boat was hoist- 
ed out, and the captain, merchant, three sailors and my- 
self, left the vessel about 1 o'clock, A. M., and pulled for 
the shore till 3 o'clock, P. M., and reached the land. 
The captain and merchant went in pursuit of provisions ; 
the rest were left with me to take care of the boat. 
Very soon after we landed, a negro came to the boat 
with bananas, plantains and oranges to sell. We pur- 
chased enough to make a good meal. The captain and 
merchant soon returned with a supply of provisions, 
which were brought to the boat by negroes. At five 
o'clock, P. M., we pulled again for the brig. The light 
which we left burning in the morning and hanging in 
the shrouds, the mate put out after dark, and the wind 
blowing in shore, we made sail and run for the harbor. 

* Curagoii, an island in the Caribbean Sen, 30 miles long and 10 broad. 
Its chief town is Curacoa. The principal products of the island are sugar 
and tobacco. 



MEMOIRS. 25 

A man-of-war, uot finding the captain, and only the 
mate, two hands and one passenger on board, and taking 
her to be a pirate, brought the brig under his stern. 
When the light was put out, we put the boat about for 
the shore, it being exceedingly dark, and we had no 
compass. We again reached the land, and passed the 
remainder of the night in the small village where we 
had obtained our supplies. The next morning the brig 
was not to be seen, and we had to take to our boat again, 
and row across the bay, sixty miles to the harbor. We 
pulled all day, and at sunset were barclj' in sight of the 
shipping. When it became so dark that we could not 
discern the shipping, the captain selected a star in the 
horizon, and thus we reached the harbor about ten o'clock. 
As we approached the shipping, our boat was hailed by 
the sentinel of the man-of-war and ordered along side. 
Our captain was ordered on board, but in a short time 
was liberated, with provisions and water, to go on board 
of his own vessel. 

We staid in port about two weeks till the merchant 
had taken his cargo, and then sailed for New York, 
where we arrived in ten days ; discharged our cargo, 
and then sailed for Providence. On our passage down 
the Sound we experienced a heavy gale, and being in 
light ballast, were forced to make the nearest harbor, 



26 MEMOIRS. 

whicli was a cove on Long Island, where we laid for 
four days. Then we sailed out into the Sound, and it 
becoming perfectly calm, were floated aboiit for four 
days longer, not making headway enough for steerage, 
being driven backwards and forwards with the tide. 
This was in the latter part of December, 1785, and the 
weather was piercing cold. After we had been becalm- 
ed four days, the wind blew a heavy gale, and we ran 
into New London, Avhere we laid five days. On the 
sixth day, the weather proving favorable, we sailed 
again for Providence. The wind hauling to the east- 
ward, began again to blow, and we steered for a small 
harbor on Long Island, where we staid three days. 
Again we sailed and arrived at Newport. The next 
day we sailed for Providence, and after contending and 
forcing our way through the ice, arrived three miles be- 
low the town in twenty-one days from New York. 

Arriving in Providence, I went to my old boarding- 
house and staid three days, when I shipped and went on 
board of a sloop bound to the West Indies. The crew 
consisted of captain, mate and four hands — all drunk- 
ards except a lad of about eighteen years and myself. 
We had on board ten oxen. 

We cleared from Providence in the morning, in a rain 
storm. By nine, P. M., Block Island was two leagues 



MEMOIRS. 27 

astern of iis,* and all hands below, drunk. It was blow- 
ing- a heavy gale, and I had been placed at the helm be- 
fore leaving the land. It became dark, and not know- 
ing the bearings of Nantucket Shoals, neither had I 
time to look in any book or on any chart to ascertain. 
I placed the lad at the helm while 1 went into the steer- 
age and took the stopples out of the kegs of rum and 
let it run out on the floor. The two hands came on deck 
the next morning sober and continued so till our arrival 
at the West Indies. The captain and mate kept half 
drunk the whole voyage. They were not even capalile 
of managing the vessel, or of discharging or loading. 
The mate staid on board a sloop loading with sugar, 
while we were loading. When we hauled out into deep 
water to sail for home, the captain was hardly capable 
of giving orders. At five o'clock, P. M., he gave me the 
charge of the vessel, calling all hands and ordering them 
to obey my orders the same as if I were the captain, and 
then went below. About eight o'clock the next morn- 
ing he again made his appearance on deck, ordered the 
boat alongside, and then two hands to row him on shore. 
It being Sunday I kept all hands on board Monday 
morning the captain came on board in a negro boat, 

* An ishinil belonging to the State of Rhode Island. It is 7 miles long by 
4 wide, and is 24 miles from Newpdrt. 



28 



MEMOIRS. 



and gave all hands liberty to go on shore to spend the 
day. 

We staid in port two weeks, loaded with cotton and 
sugar, and cleared for Providence. We had a very 
pleasant voyage home, except with our captain and 
mate, who were very cross ajid ugly. The captain and 
myself had a few words one day, and I informed him 
that I knew my duty as a seaman. He ever after on 
the voyage, appeared to owe me a grudge. A few days 
out, our studding sail halyards gave way at the end of 
the boom where it was rigged out at the end of the yard. 
The captain called upon me to go aloft and reef the 
halyards. There was no foot rope to rest the feet upon, 
but I had to crawl out on the yard with the halyards in 
my hand. When I had got about half way out, the 
captain sung out with an oath : " Now fall overboard, 
and I will pick you up when I come this way again," 
I was obliged to cling to the spar to the utmost of my 
strength, and had it not been for the stillness of the 
wind and tlie smoothness of the sea, should have fallen 
off. 

We had a moderate breeze on our passage home till 
we made Block Island. The wind being to the north we 
could not run to Khode Island, but anchored oft" Stoning- 
ton, wiiere Ave remained three days . In weighing 



NEMOIRS. 29 

anchor, we did not get it to the cat-head as quick as the 
captain wished, he (being so intoxicated he did not 
know wliat he wanted,) began to curse and swear, di- 
recting foul language towards me, saying were he nigh 
some "desolate island, I should starve to death. I in- 
formed him that I had ever done my duty as a faiihfui 
seaman, and obeyed all his commands. He frequently 
quarreled with the mate and all hands. 

I sailed the vessel from our anchorage in Stoningtou* 
to Providence. About half way from Newport to Provi- 
dence, I called the captain, he having slept his nap out. 

Having discharged the cargo, I called for my pay, 
which was six dollars a month, and the captain offered 
me a kind of paper currency (13) which the State had 
issued as a cheat. I refused this currency. He declared 
I should take that or nothing. I lost my wages. 

Next day I visited a brother, five miles in the coun- 
try, whom I found ploughing, it being a very warm 
time in the spring of 1186. 

Upon revisiting Boston, T shipped on board a Ply- 
mouth packet. Subsequently I sailed on another voyage 
to the West Indies, and upon returning from which I 
came to Middlebt)ro', where T have resided for about 
thirty-seven years, with a less varied life than that 
* A seaport town in New London County, Connecticut. 



80 MEMOIRS, 

which is recounted in the foregoing pages, and trom 
which place this little work is submitted. 

Having touched in these few pages, on some of the 
incidents of my younger years, I most humbly beg to ar- 
rest your attention one moment longer, 



P'ei.low Countrymen : I need not tell you that I have 
seen the British guns fired in anger, or that these lungs 
which now but feebly respire the vital air of heaven, 
have been sufibcated with the smoke of British powder. 
T need not tell you that those dim eyes have guided, or 
that those now palsied limbs have directed the American 
ordnance, when your country groaned, and A.merican.-! 
bled by the cruel oppression of Britain. I need not tell 
you that these ears have been stunned by the thunder 
of the cannon, the clashing of steel, and rattle of mus- 
ketry, or even that I have lived, not only in the days 
but with our bel()v«'d Washington, the father of his 
country ! No ! it is not to impose upon you self-praise, 
or to arouse your passions by a recital of any exertions 
of my own, in behalf of the American Revolution, or even 
again to revert to those times which tried men's souls, but 
merely to say, gentlemen, I am an old man — a very old 
man — more than four-score yeai's and ten, and stand 



MEMOIKS. 31 

nigh the borders of the grave ! 1 can speak to you but 
a short time longer. Hear me for my cause ! 

Should our country, in your time, be invaded by a 
foreign foe, and you be called to act the part of men — 
American born men — may you enter the field, and should 
it be ordered and ordained that your bones should bleach 
in the soil of your country, like those who fell in the 
American Revolution — may you say — " Let justice be 
done, though the heavens should fall." 



NOTES. 



(1) Major Andre was captured on the 23d day of September, 
1780, by three militia-raen, named John Paulding'. David Wil- 
liams, and Isaac Van Wart. He was tried by a board of general 
oflSccrs, of which Major Gen. Green was president, and sentenced 
to be hung as a spy. The sentence was carried into effect at 
Tappan, N. Y., on the 2d day of Oct. following. In the year 
1821, the remains of Andre were disinterred and carried to Eng- 
land, by royal mandate, and buried in Westminster Al)bey, where 
a monument was erected to his memory. The fate of Andre has 
been the subject of much lamentation. The fact, however, of his 
having previously acted the part of a spy at the siege of Charles- 
ton, detracts greatly from the general sympathy he would other- 
wise receive. 

.See Johnson's Life of Gen Green, vol. 1, p. 209. 

Johnson's Traditions of the Kev., p. 255. 
Vindication of the Captors. 

(2) For the security of Philadelphia, on the east side, the 
Americans, besides preparing gallies, floating batteries, armed 
ves.«els and boats, fire ships and rafts, had built a fort on AFud 



34 MKMOIRS. 

Island, on the Delaware, about seven miles below Philadelphia, 
which they called Fort Mifflin, and another at Red Bank, nearly 
opposite on the Jersey shore, which they called Fort Mercer. A 
detachment from the British army having dislodged the Ameri- 
cans from Billingsport, where a fortification had also been made, 
batteries were erected by them on the Pennsylvania shore to assist 
in dislodging them also from Mud Island. A detachment was 
sent at the same time to attack Fort Mercer. This enterprise 
was entrusted to Col. Count Dunop, a brave and highly spirited 
(xerraan officer, who, with three battalions of Hessian grenadiers, 
the regiment orMirback,and the infantry chasseurs, having cross- 
ed the Delaware from Philadelphia, on the 21st of October, 1777, 
marched down on the eastern side of the river, and on the after- 
noon of ihe next day reached Red Bank. The place was defend- 
ed by about 100 men, under the command of Lieut. Col. Christo- 
pher Greene, of Rliode Island. Count Dunop. with undaunted 
firnniess. led on his troops to the a.ssault. through a tremendous 
fire, and forcing an extensive outwork, compelleii the garrison to 
retire to the redoubt, but while fighting In-avely at the head of 
his battalion he received a nnutal wound. 'I'he a&Siiiliiuts were 
soon forced to a precipitate retreat under a weil-directt^l (ire fiom 
the garrison, which again proved destructive to tiiem as it had 
previously l>een in their approach to the assault. In this e\))(di- 
tion the enemy was supposed to have lost about 400 njen. 'I'he 
garrison lost thirty-two only, killed and wounded. The garrison 
at Red Bank was, however, afterwards withdrawn on tlio ap- 
proach of Cornwallis witii a large force. The ibrt at .Mud ].-land 
was also finally abandoned by the Americans. therel)y leaving to 
the British an open connnuiiication l)et\veen theii'anny and tlecl. 

Iloiines' Annals, vol. 2, p. 2()7. Morse's Annals, ji. 27((. 

Thatcher's Journal, p. 118. Heath's Memoirs, p. 1S7. 

Christopher (ireene, the hero of R mI Bank, was born in War- 



MEMOIRS. 35 

wick, R. I., in the year 1737. lu 1775 lie was a major under his 
relative, Gen. Nathaniel Greene. He accompanied Arnold through 
the wilderness. At the siege of Quebec, being in command of a 
company, he was talvcn prisoner. After his exchange, he was 
entrusted by Gen. Washington with the command of Fort Mer- 
cer, on the Delaware, commonly called Red Bank, where he gal- 
lantly repulsed the assault of Col. Dunop, on the 22d day of Oct.. 
1777. For this service Congress voted him a sword, which was 
presented to his eldest son in 1786. In the year 1778, Lieut. Col. 
Greene was with the army under Sullivan. In the spring of 
1781, having been posted on Croton River, he was surprised by a 
corps of refugees and barbarously murdered, in the 44th year of 
his age. 

(3) Count Dunop was a brave and gallant officer. He was 
considered the best officer of the Hessians, and his death was 
greatly lamented. While he lay upon the ground, wounded and 
helpless, two Hessian grenadiers attempting to carry him oft" the 
field, were shot dead under him, whereupon he entreated his men 
to let him remain where he was, and seek their own safety. Col. 
Dunop died on the 29th day of Oct., 1777, and was buried by the 
Americans with military honors. 

(4) In the month of June, 1780, .5,000 men commanded by 
Lieut. Gen. Kniphausen, made an excursion from New York into 
New Jersey. Landing at Elizabethtown, they proceeded to Con" 
necticut Farms, where they burned about thirteen houses and the 
Presbyterian church, and then proceeded to Springfield. As they 
advanced, they were annoyed by Col. Dayton commanding a few 
militia, and on their approach to the bridge near the town, they 
were further opposed by Gen. Maxwell, who. with a few continen- 
tal troops, were prepared to dispute the passage. They made a 
halt, therefore, and soon after returned to Elizabethtown. Be- 



36 MEMOIRS. 

fore they had retreated the whole American army at Morristown 
marched to opj^ose them. In the meantime, Sir Henry Clinton 
returning with his victorious troops from Charleston, ordered a 
r3-enforcement to Kniphausen, who, with the whole body advanced 
a S2cond time towards Springfield. The British were now op- 
posed by Gen. Greene, with a considerable body of continental 
troops. Col. Angel with his regiment and a piece of artillery, 
was posted to secure the bridge. A severe action was fought, 
which- was kept up forty minutes, after which the Americans were 
forced by superior numbers to retire. Gen. Greene took post 
with his troops on a range of hills in the hope of being attacked, 
but the British, having burned the town, consisting of nearly 
fifty dwelling houses, retreated to Elizabethtown, and the next 
day sot out on their return to New York. The loss of the Ameri- 
cans in this action was about eighty ; that of the British was 
supposed to be consideraltle more. 

Holmes, 2, p. 315. 

(.")) Elias Cornelius was a native of Long Island. At the age 
of 10, in opposition to the advice and wishes of his relatives, who 
were then attached to the British cause, he repaired to Xew York 
in 1777, and being recommended by his instructor. Dr. Samuel 
Latham, obtained a commission as surgeon's male in the Second 
Rtiode Island Regiment, under command of Col. Israel Angel. 
On reconnoitering near the lines above New York, he was taken 
prisoner and carried to the old Provoost jail in the city, where he 
suffered incredible hardships, until with great courage and pre- 
sence of mind, he made his escape in the month of March, 1778. 
He immediately rejoined the army, and continued in it till the 
close of 1781. He died at Somers, N. Y., on the 13th day of 
June, 1823, leaving a widow, three daughters, and a son bearing 
his name, who became a clergyman, was for many years connect- 
ed with various religious societies, and died in 1832. As a phy- 



MEMOIRS. 



37 



sician, Dr. Coraelius had an extensive and successful practice. It 
was while in the army that he received those religious impressions 
which resulted in an established Christian hope. He was a warm 
friend to charitable institutions, and left at his decease the sum of 
SlOO each to the American Bible Society, the Education, the 
Foreign Mission, and the United Foreign Mission Societies. 

(6) The battle of Monmouth was fought on the 28th day cf 
June, 1778. The loss of the Americans was 8 officers and 61 
privates killed, and about 160 wounded. The loss o»' the British 
army in killed, wounded and missing, is stated to have been 358 
men, including officers. About 100 were taken prisoners, and 
nearly 1,000 soldiers, principally foreigners, many of whom had 
married in Philadelphia, and deserted the British standard during 
the march. The victory was claimed by both parties. It is al- 
lowed that in the early part of the day the British had the advan- 
tage, bixt it is contended that in the latter part the advantage was 
on the side of the Americans, for they maintained their ground, 
repulsed the enemy by whom they were attacked, were prevented 
only by the night and the retreat of Sir Henry Clinton from re- 
newing the action, and suffered in killed and wounded less than 

their adversaries. 

Holmes' Annnls, 2, p. 255. 

(7) In the month of August, 1778, an army, composed chiefly 
of militia and volunteers from the New England States, with two 
brigades of continental troops under command of Major Gen. Sul- 
livan, laid siege to the royal army on Rhode Island. From this 
land force with the co-operation of the French fleet under com- 
mand of Count D'Estaing, very sanguine expectations were form- 
ed that the enterprise would have been crowned with success. 
But the English fleet under Lord Howe appeared and Count 
D'Estaing was induced to pursue them and to offer battle, when 



./ 



38 MEMOIRS. 

unfortunately a violent storm arose by wliicb liis H et siiftered so 
considerably that the Count was obliged to quit the expedition 
and proceed to Boston to repair bis ships. Gen. Sullivan's army 
continued several days on the island besieging the enemy, and 
finally a smart engagement ensued, in which both the regular 
troops and militia, emulous of fame and glory, combatted the 
enemy during the day. The result of the contest was a complete 
repulse of the royal forces — they retired from the field with con- 
siderable loss, and employed themselves in fortifying their camp. 
In the absence of the French fleet, Sir Henry (^linton sent from 
'Se^Y York large re-enforcements, in consecjuence of which it was 
unanimously agreed in a counsel of war to retire from the island. 
The retreat was conducted by Gen. Sullivan with great judg- 
ment and discretion, without loss of men or baggage, though in 
the face of an enemy of superior force. This exploit reflected 
great honor both on the General and the brave troops under his 
command. In the honors of this expedition and retreat. Major 
Gen. Greene and the Marquis de la Fayette participated con- 
spicuously, but were greatly disappointed in the final result. 

Thatcher, p. 144. 

In commemoration of this masterly Bunker Hill retreat, a medal 
was struck in Holland, of about one inch and a half in diameter, 
bearing upon the 
Ob: a British man-of-war, under full sail, with colors all 

flying. 
Leg : " de admiraals flag van admiraal howe 1779." 

(The flag of Admiral Howe, 1779.) 
Rev : A representation of the retreating Americans across 
Rhode Island to their boats in waiting. On the oppo- 
site side of the island are seen three British men-ot- 
war. 
liEG : " D'vlugtende americaank^ van rohue yland Augt. 
1778." 





RHODE ISLAND MEDAL. 



MEMOIRS. 



39 



(The flight of the Americaus from Rhode Island, Aixgt., 1778.) 
This medal, which is rarely met with, is interesting, aside from 
its American character, as showing the state of feeling and sym- 
pathy for the American cause at that time among the nations of 
Europe. 

(8) John Sullivan was born in Berwick, Me., on the 17th of 
Jan., 1740. He was appointed by Congress a Brig. Gen. in 1775, 
and in 1776 a Major Gen. He superseded Arnold in the com- 
mand of the army in Canada, June 4, 1776, but was soon driven 
out of that province. He afterwards, on the illness of Greene, 
took command of his division on Long Island. In the battle of 
Aug. 27, 1776, he was taken prisoner with Lord Sterling, but was 
shortly afterwards exchanged. In Augt. 22, 1777, he planned 
and executed an expedition against Staten Island, for which on 
an inquiry into his conduct he leceived the approbation of the 
Court. In September he was engaged in the battle of Brandy- 
wine, and in Oct. 4, in that of Germantown. He was afterwards 
detached to command the troops in Rhode Island. His gallant 
repulse of the enemy, and his subsefjuent masterly retreat have 
been the theme of much commendation. In the summer of 1779 
he made his successful expedition against the Six Nations under 
Brant and others, completely dispersing them and laying waste 
their country. He held after the war the office of Governor of New 
Hampshire for several years, and in 1789 was appointed District 
Judge. He died in Durham, Jan'y. 28, 1795, aged 54. 

(9) The surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, Va., took place 
on the 19th day of Oct., 1781. 'i'he army, with the artillery, 
arms, accoutrements, military chest, and all public stores, were 
surrendered to Gen. Washington ; the ships and seamen to the 
Count de Grasse. The prisoners, exclusive of seamen, amounted 
to 7,073, of which number 5,950 were rank and file. 



40 MEMOIRS. 

Garrison of York, 3,273. Sick and wounded, 1,933 

Gloucester, 744. 4,017 



Fit for duty, 4,017. Total rank and tile, 5,950 

To the 7.073 prisoners are to be added 6 commissioned and 28 
uon-oommissioned officers and privates, taken prisoners in the two 
redoubts, and in tlie sortie made by the garrison. The loss sus- 
tained by the garrison during the siege, in killed, wounded and 
missing, amounted to 552. The loss of the combined army in 
kiHed, was about 300. The allied army, to which that of Lord 
Corn wallis surrendered, has been estimated at 16,000 men. The 
French amounted to 7,000, the continental troops to about 5,500, 
and the militia to about 3,500. 

Among the general officers particularly noticed for the import- 
ant sat vic3S thsy rendered during the siege, were Gen'ls. Lincoln, 
de la Fayette, Steuben, Knox and Duportail, his Excellency Count 
Rochambeau, and several other French officers. 

Thatcher's Journal, p. 281. 
Holmes' Annals, 2, p. 333. 

It is an int^^-resting fact, though p^'rhaps out of place here, that 
Lord Cornwaliis and the Marquis de la Fayette, who had fought 
against each other at Yorktown, and also on several other pre- 
vious occasions, met at the close of the war at the review of the 
Pru.ssian troops at Potsdam, in Prussia, in the year 1785, and 
were made personally acquainted with each other through the 
honorary introduction of the veteran Frederick himself. 

(10) Turks' Island — one of the Bahamas, in the AVest Indies, 
noted for the large quantity of salt nuide there from sea-water, 
and exported to the United States and other countries. 

(11) Moua Passage — a strait eighty miles across, which sepa- 
rates Haiti from Porto Rico. 



MEMOIRS. 41 

(12) Port au Prince is the capital city of Haiti. It has an ex- 
cellent harbor and carries on a considerable trade, chiefly in 
sugar, cofifee and indigo. It was nearly all burnt in 1791 by the 
revolting negroes, and was taken by the English and Royalists in 
1794. 

(13) The depreciation of the Rhode Island paper currency of 
1786, was probably hastened by the decision of the Supreme 
Court of that State, in the celebrated case of Trevett vs. Weedon, 
at the Sept. Newport term, 1786 — that the emission was uncon- 
stitutional in several important particulars. For this decision 
the Judges were summoned before the Assembly, and heard there 
by counsel, and after various debates and proceedings, they were 
discharged, Oct. 2d, session 1786. 

See cnse of Trevett vs. Weedon, pub. Prov. 1787. 
Potter's Rhode Island paper money, p. 19. 
Chandler's Crim. Trials, 2, p. 269. 



1 



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i:.f. 



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